Skip to main content

Jay Anderson : 米政府高官が「時空間操作技術」の保有を公言した ⇒ この政府高官発言の真意を推測する

· 58 min read

前置き

Jay Anderson の動画から。Jay Anderson は

ホワイトハウス科学技術政策局の局長、Michael Kratsios (*1)の 2024-04-14 の公式発言に含まれていた

Our technologies permit us to manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated, cause things to grow, and improve productivity.

ref: Remarks by Director Kratsios at the Endless Frontiers Retreat – The White House https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/04/8716/

の箇所に注目している。そして Jay Anderson は

  • 政府高官(ホワイトハウス科学技術政策局の局長)が、
  • 米国の保有する技術は時空間を操作することで距離を無効化することができると述べることで
  • これまで隠蔽されてきた SF的な「時空間操作技術」の保有を示唆したものだ、

…と判断してる。

そこで、

  • Michael Kratsios 局長の公式発言は「時空間操作技術」の保有を示唆したものか?

を末尾で検討する。

(*1)

マイケル・ジョン・コツァカス・クラティオス(1986年11月7日生まれ)[1]は、アメリカ合衆国の企業経営者兼政府高官で、2025年からホワイトハウス科学技術政策局(Office of Science and Technology Policy)の第13代局長兼大統領科学顧問を務めています。[2][3]

彼はホワイトハウス科学技術政策局において、第4代アメリカ合衆国首席技術官を務めました。[4] この役職において、クラティオスはドナルド・トランプ大統領の最高技術顧問として活躍しました。[5] 2020年7月10日から2021年1月20日まで、クラティオスは国防省研究開発担当次官代理も兼任しました。

2024年12月22日、次期大統領ドナルド・トランプは、クラティオスを次期科学技術政策局局長兼大統領科学顧問に指名する意向を発表しました。彼は2025年3月25日に同職に承認されました。

ref: Michael Kratsios - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Kratsios

Youtube 動画(22:43)

U.S Government Admits to FREE ENERGY Technology Existing!

事実確認

White House の Web に該当の発言が掲載されている。

Remarks by Director Kratsios at the Endless Frontiers Retreat – The White House https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/04/8716/

White House の Web から 和訳+原文

和訳

クラツィオス局長の発言:エンドレス・フロンティアーズ・リトリートにおける発言

ホワイトハウス

アメリカのイノベーションの黄金時代

発言原稿

エンドレス・フロンティアーズ・リトリート、テキサス州オースティン

2025年4月14日

ディレクター:ご丁寧な紹介をありがとうございます。今夜、アメリカの新黄金時代の夜明けの光の中、皆様とお話しできることを光栄に思います。

トランプ大統領は、私たち行政機関で働く全員に、国家の再生という壮大な任務を課されました。

私は、そして皆様もご存知の通り、このような再生にはアメリカの科学と産業の再生が不可欠です。過去数十年、アメリカは慢心に陥り、素晴らしい未来を築くという古い夢を忘れかけていました。 しかし、私たちはアメリカの開拓精神が、無限のフロンティアの探求を求め続けていることを知っています。私たちの技術と、その技術を活用する方法が、この世紀に我が国の運命を具現化するツールとなるでしょう。

しかし、このアメリカの進歩の可能性と科学技術への希望は、建設者や革新者が政治から後退することを許しません。むしろ、その逆です。それが私が今日ここにいる理由です。黄金時代は、私たちが選択するからこそ可能になるのです。


技術的進歩と科学的発見は、運命によって決まっているものではありません。それらは、男女の努力とエネルギー、混乱と意見ではなく秩序と真実を選択する集団の意思を必要とします。

20世紀は「アメリカの世紀」と呼ばれました。戦争と国内の対立にもかかわらず、アメリカ合衆国は科学と技術の最前線に立ち、未来を築きました。産業の力と独創性により、世界史上最大の middle class を創造しました。トランプ大統領が、この政権の科学技術政策を述べた手紙で私に語ったように、「20世紀の勝利は偶然に起きたものではありません」。

私たちは原子力の時代を築きました。宇宙開発競争での勝利も私たちのものです。そして、人間の知識の多様性を集約し接続するインターネットの発明も私たちの成果です。

今日、私たちはその遺産を取り戻すために戦っています。バイデン政権の「小さな庭、高い塀」というアプローチの失敗が示すように、アメリカの技術的優位性を保護するだけでは不十分です。私たちは、アメリカの技術的リーダーシップを促進する義務があります。


私たちの時代と、アメリカが20世紀半ばに経験した変革の速度との間にはギャップがあります。進歩は鈍化しています。はい、大規模言語モデルは私たちを驚かせ、ロケットは依然として私たちの目を空に向けさせ、衛星は地球を覆っています。しかし、来年アメリカ建国250周年を祝うにあたり、今日の進歩は20世紀の飛躍的な進展と比べ物になりません。50年前のアメリカを考えてみましょう。

国家が建国200周年を迎えようとしていた当時、アメリカ人は「計量不能なほど安価な電気」を期待していました。1972年末までに、30基の原子力発電所が稼働し、55基が建設中、80基以上が計画または発注されていました。同じ年、アポロ17号の宇宙飛行士が月面で11人目と12人目の月面歩行者となりました。5年前には、X-15ロケット機が有人航空機としてマッハ6.7の速度記録を樹立しました。アメリカはこれまで以上に高く、速く、遠くへ飛んでいました…

しかし現在、エネルギー価格は生産者と消費者の双方に負担を強いており、電力網は依然として脆弱です。過去30年間で商業用原子力発電所は3基しか建設されず、10基が閉鎖されました。医療費に同等の国々のほぼ2倍を費やしているにもかかわらず、私たちの平均寿命は最も低い水準にあります。アポロ17号の月面での足跡は、人類の最後の足跡となりました。X-15の記録は依然として破られておらず、コンコルドは20年以上前に退役しました。私たちの旅客機は以前より遅く、列車の速度は世界他の地域と比べても遅く、車は飛んでいません。

進歩は止まっていませんが、何かが間違っています。


停滞は選択でした。私たちは建設者や革新者を重荷にしています。1970年代の善意に満ちた規制制度は、次第に緊縮的な歯車となり、まずアメリカがエネルギー輸出国となる能力を阻害し、その後、建設をますます困難にしました。私たちは焦点を失い、ビジョンを低下させ、システムや構造、官僚主義に翻弄されてきました。

しかし、私たちははるかに大きな可能性を秘めています。

私たちの技術は時間と空間を操作する能力を可能にしています。距離を消滅させ、物を成長させ、生産性を向上させます。

副大統領のヴァンス氏が最近の演説で述べたように、アメリカのイノベーションの伝統は、アメリカの労働者の能力を向上させ、人間の能力を拡張し、より多くの人々がより多く、より意味のある仕事ができるようにすることでした。しかし、無制限の移民と、国内・海外の安価な労働力への依存は、技術による生産性向上を代替する手段となってきました。

私たちは、より少ない資源でより多くを実現する新たな建設方法を選択するか、未来から借り続けるかです。私たちは繰り返し未来から借りる道を選択してきました。文明としての私たちの選択は、技術か債務かです。そして私たちは債務を選択しました。

今日、私たちはより良い道を選択します。


私たちの最初の任務は、アメリカが重要な新興技術における優位性を確保することです。この政権は、未来の産業におけるリーダーシップを維持するため、促進と保護の両方を組み合わせた戦略を推進します——最も重要な資産を保護し、最も革新的な人材を促進するのです。

この目標を少しでも達成しようとした点で、バイデン政権は自らの基準で失敗しました。恐怖の精神に駆り立てられ、約束ではなく恐怖に導かれた政権でした。旧体制は、技術の混乱から管理権力を守るため、公平の名の下に社会的分断と再分配を推進しました。彼らはアメリカの技術を適切に保護できず、リーダーシップを強化するどころか、全く失敗しました。

アメリカの技術的リーダーシップを促進するためには、政府に3つのことが求められます。第一に、公共の研究開発資金を創造的に配分する「賢明な」選択をしなければなりません。第二に、常識的でイノベーションを促進する規制体制を構築する「正しい」選択をしなければなりません。第三に、アメリカ人技術者が開発した素晴らしい製品やツールを採用し、その輸出を促進する「簡単な」選択をしなければなりません。

戦略的に重要なこの局面において、私たちは公共の研究開発資金の活用においてより創造的になり、国家の優先事項を明確に示す資金調達環境を形作る必要があります。AI、量子技術、バイオテクノロジー、次世代半導体など、民間企業と学術界との連携を通じて、政府は科学者が新たな理論を創造し、エンジニアがそれらを実践に反映させることを可能にする責任があります。賞金、事前市場コミットメント、迅速かつ柔軟な助成金など、新たな資金調達メカニズムは、政府資金による研究のインパクトを倍増させることができます。

「再びアメリカで製造する」という時代の要請に応えるため、イノベーターを束縛する悪質な規制の重荷を捨て去り、連邦政府の資源を活用して新興技術を試験し、展開し、成熟させる必要があります。例えば、この国で無限のエネルギーを実現する最大の障害は、イノベーションと開発に反対する規制体制でした。これは、超音速航空機や高速鉄道、飛行車など、輸送分野で再び限界を突破する障害としても機能してきました。現在、既存の規則を見直し、誰を本当に保護し、何のコストを本当に負担させているのかを問う時が来ました。

アメリカの特徴が刻まれた未来を実現するため、連邦政府はアメリカ技術の導入と促進の先駆者となる必要があります。私たちのイノベーターは驚くべき突破口を開きますが、消費者(政府を含む)は、フロンティア技術の大海原ではなく、自らのニーズを満たす製品を必要としています。国内で解放された産業の力と、AIから航空宇宙まで技術的成果を成功裏に商業化することは、海外での外交の強力なツールとなり、国際同盟の重要な要素となるでしょう。アメリカが重要な技術で進歩を遂げ、アメリカ企業にアメリカ技術スタックを世界中に展開することを可能にし、奨励すれば、私たちは世界のパートナーとしての第一選択となり、追随すべき基準を設定する存在となるでしょう。


アメリカの技術的リーダーシップを促進するこのアプローチは、外国のライバルからその地位を守るための三つの戦略と密接に結びついています。第一に、アメリカの知的財産を保護し、アメリカの研究安全保障を真剣に受け止める必要があります。第二に、ライバル諸国が私たちのインフラやサプライチェーンに浸透したり、同盟国のインフラに組み込まれたりするのを防ぐ必要があります。第三に、アメリカの最先端技術を競合他社の手に渡らないように、輸出管理措置を含む適切な措置を強化する必要があります。

私たちは国家として多くの危険に直面していますが、数十年にわたる無能なアメリカ指導者たちのため、中国は特に地政学的ライバルであり技術的競争相手として台頭してきました。この脅威に対処するためには、科学技術資源を高度な警戒心で保護し、アメリカ研究者が公共の分野と企業双方で行う重要な研究が、悪用、盗用、妨害から守られるよう努めなければなりません。知的資本を保護するため、外国のアクセスを制限し、国際的な協力者に対する監督を強化する必要があります。

私たちのインフラ、サプライチェーン、そして同盟国のインフラもまた、安全保障する必要があります。私たちは、多くの重要な産業で依存している中国からの入力や製品に依存し続ける余裕はありません。また、通信、電力網、AIなど、中国が支配する重要なインフラに依存することで、最も近いパートナーが安全保障上の弱点となることを許すわけにはいきません。信頼できるサプライチェーンを確立し、サプライチェーンのレジリエンスを強化するための官民連携を推進し、重要な製造を国内回帰させるための投資インセンティブを創設する必要があります。

最後に、30年間にわたり中国の成長を補助してきた私たちは、この競争でライバルが私たちに追いつくのを助けるのをやめなければなりません。厳格でシンプルな輸出管理と顧客確認ルールを、アメリカ第一の姿勢で徹底的に執行することが、中国が私たちの犠牲の上に成長を続けるのを阻止する核心です。私たちは両国間の平和を望んでいますが、その平和はアメリカの最先端技術が競合他国の手に渡らないことに依存しています。


アメリカのイノベーションの黄金時代は、私たちが選択すれば、目前に迫っています。

技術環境が変化する中、私たちの任務は、アメリカ人の生活様式を破壊したり、アメリカ人の労働者を犠牲にしたりすることなく、新たな現実に対応することです。私たちは、最も基本的なレベルで、経済の安全保障、中間層の回復、そしてアメリカを世界最高のイノベーターの故郷として維持することを目指しています。

この部屋に集まったような人々——建設者や発見者——にとって、長年、政治から距離を置く誘惑がありました。過重な規制や非効率的な政府、選挙サイクルの混乱に直面し、多くの皆さんは様々な形で後退を選択してきました。

しかし、勝利に代わるものはありません。あなたとあなたの同胞のアメリカ人は、この国を諦める余裕はありません。政治と技術の両方に形作られる世界において、私たちは両方の領域で行動を起こさなければなりません。すべてのアメリカ人が、機会に応え、才能を最大限に活用し、築き上げることを継続する必要があります。

私たちは皆、アメリカ世紀の遺産を後世に伝えるために努力し、私たちの世界を形成する技術が、先祖から受け継いだ自由の祝福をアメリカ国民が確保するのを助けるようにしなければなりません。私は大統領の科学技術顧問としての役割において、その責任を負っています。あなた方も、ビジネス、教育、または研究室において、アメリカ人として持つ権限と責任を行使する中で、その責任を負っています。

新しいアメリカ黄金時代を可能にするのは、個人の選択です:国家の硬直化を克服する個人の選択、そして時間と空間を曲げ、少ない資源でより多くを生み出し、無限のフロンティアへと私たちを導く新たな技術を生み出し、科学的な発見に身を捧げる個人の選択です。

原文

▼展開

Remarks by Director Kratsios at the Endless Frontiers Retreat The White House

THE GOLDEN AGE OF AMERICAN INNOVATION

AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY

Endless Frontiers Retreat, Austin, Texas

April 14, 2025

THE DIRECTOR: Thank you for the kind introduction. It is a pleasure to speak to you all this evening, here in the early light of the new Golden Age of America.

President Trump has given all of us who serve in his administration a monumental task—the renewal of our nation.

I know, and I think you know, too, that such a renewal will require the reinvigoration of American science and industry. Over the last few decades, America has become complacent, forgetting old dreams of building a wondrous future.

But we know the American pioneer spirit still seeks the exploration of endless frontiers. Our technologies, and what we do with them, will be the tools with which we will make the destiny of our country manifest in this century.

Yet this American hope in the possibility of progress and the power of science and technology does not allow builders and innovators to retreat from politics. Indeed, quite the opposite, which is what brings me here today. A Golden Age is only possible if we choose it.


There is nothing predestined about technological progress and scientific discovery. They require the efforts and energies of men and women, the collective choice for order and truth over disorder and opinion.

The last century was called the American Century, as—despite wars and domestic conflict—the United States stood at the forefront of science and technology, building the future. With the strength of our industry and ingenuity, we created the largest middle class the world has ever seen. As President Trump said to me in his letter laying out the science and technology agenda of this administration, “The triumphs of the last century did not happen by chance.”

Ours was the Atomic Age. Ours the victory in the Space Race. And ours the invention of the Internet, collecting and connecting the multiplicity of human knowledge.

Today we fight to restore that inheritance. As the failure of the Biden administration’s “small yard, high fence” approach makes clear, it is not enough to seek to protect America’s technological lead. We also have a duty to promote American technological leadership.


A gap lies between our moment and the speed of transformation America experienced midcentury. Progress has slowed. Yes, large language models astonish us, rockets still turn our eyes upward, and satellites envelop the globe. But as we look forward to America’s 250th birthday celebration next year, our progress today pales in comparison to the huge leaps of the 20th century. Consider the country of fifty years ago.

As the nation approached its bicentennial, Americans looked forward to electricity too cheap to meter. By the end of 1972, 30 nuclear plants were operational, 55 were under construction, and more than 80 were planned or ordered. That same year, the Apollo 17 astronauts became the 11th and 12th men to walk on the moon. Five years before, the X-15 rocket plane had set a speed record for a crewed aircraft of Mach 6.7. America was flying higher, faster, and farther than ever before…

Today, however, energy prices still burden producers and consumers alike, and the grid remains precarious. Over the past 30 years only three commercial nuclear reactors have been built and 10 have been closed. Despite spending almost twice as much on healthcare as peer nations, we have the lowest life expectancy. Apollo 17’s steps on the lunar surface have proved mankind’s last. The X-15’s record still stands, and the Concorde was decommissioned more than two decades ago. Our passenger planes are slower than they used to be. Our trains crawl compared to those in other parts of the world. Our cars do not fly

Advances have not stopped, but something has gone wrong.


Stagnation was a choice. We have weighed down our builders and innovators. The well-intentioned regulatory regime of the 1970s became an ever-tightening ratchet, first hampering America’s ability to become a net-energy exporter and then making it harder and harder to build. We seem to have lost focus and vision, to have lowered our sights and let systems and structures and bureaucracies muddle us along.

But we are capable of so much more.

Our technologies permit us to manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated, cause things to grow, and improve productivity.

As Vice President Vance said in a recent speech, the tradition of American innovation has been one of increasing the capacities of America’s workers, of extending human ability so that more people can do more, and, more meaningful work. But unrestricted immigration, and reliance on cheap labor both domestically and offshore, has been a substitute for improving productivity with technology.

We can build in new ways that let us do more with less, or we can borrow from the future. We have chosen to borrow from the future again and again. Our choice as a civilization is technology or debt. And we have chosen debt.

Today we choose a better way.


Our first assignment is to secure America’s preeminence in critical and emerging technologies. This administration will ensure that our nation remains the leader in the industries of the future with a strategy of both promotion and protection—protecting our greatest assets and promoting our greatest innovators.

To the degree it even tried to accomplish this, the Biden administration failed on its own terms, led by a spirit of fear rather than promise. The old regime sought to protect its managerial power from the disruptions of technology, while promoting social division and redistribution in the name of equity. They secured American technology poorly, and failed to strengthen our leadership at all.

Promoting America’s technological leadership requires three things of government. First, we have to make the smart choices of creatively allocating our public research and development dollars. Second, we have to make the right choices in constructing a common-sense, pro-innovation regulatory regime. And third, we have to make the easy choice to adopt the incredible products and tools made by American builders and to enable their export abroad.

In a moment of strategic significance, we must be more creative in our use of public research and development money, and shape a funding environment that makes clear what our national priorities are. Whether in AI, quantum, biotech, or next-generation semiconductors, in partnership with the private sector and academia, it is the duty of government to enable scientists to create new theories and empower engineers to put them into practice. Prizes, advance market commitments, and other novel funding mechanisms, like fast and flexible grants, can multiply the impact of government-funded research.

At a time defined by the desire to build in America again, we have to throw off the burden of bad regulations that weigh down our innovators, and use federal resources to test, to deploy, and to mature emerging technologies. We know, for example, the greatest obstacle to limitless energy in this country has been a regulatory regime opposed to innovation and development. This, too, has been the chief barrier to pushing the envelope again in transportation, whether supersonic aircraft or high-speed rail and flying cars. The time has come to review the rules on the books and to ask whom they really protect and what they really cost.

For a future stamped with the American character, the federal government must become an early adopter and avid promoter of American technology. Our innovators make incredible breakthroughs, but consumers, government included, require products that meet their needs, not just the wide-open country of frontier technology. Our industrial might, unleashed at home, and our technical achievements from AI to aerospace, successfully commercialized, can also be powerful instruments of diplomacy abroad and key components of our international alliances. American progress in critical technologies will make us the global partner of choice and the standards setter to follow if we enable and encourage American companies to distribute the American tech stack around the world.


This approach to promoting America’s technological leadership goes hand in hand with a threefold strategy for protecting that position from foreign rivals. First, we must safeguard U.S. intellectual property and take seriously American research security. Second, we must prevent rival nations from infiltrating our infrastructure and supply chains, as well as from embedding themselves in the infrastructure of our allies. And third, we must enforce export controls and other measures that keep American frontier technologies out of competitors’ hands.

We face many dangers as a nation, but thanks to decades of feckless American leaders, China in particular has grown into both a geopolitical rival and technological competitor. This threat requires us to protect our science and technology resources with heightened vigilance, and defend the vital work American researchers do in public and corporate contexts alike from misuse, theft, and disruption. To safeguard our intellectual capital, we must restrict foreign access to sensitive data and strengthen oversight of international collaborators.

Our infrastructure, supply chains, and those of our allies must be secured, too. We cannot afford to remain dependent, as we are in too many essential industries, on Chinese inputs and products, nor can we allow our closest partners to become points of insecurity by relying on Chinese-controlled critical infrastructure, whether in telecom, the grid, or AI. We must establish and secure trusted supply chains, implement public-private partnerships to enhance supply-chain resilience, and create investment incentives to reshore more critical manufacturing.

Finally, after thirty years of subsidizing Chinese growth, it is time for us to stop helping a rival catch up with us in this race. Strict and simple export controls and know your customer rules, with an unapologetic America-first attitude about enforcing them, are central to stopping China from continuing to build itself up at our expense. We want peace between our countries, and that peace depends on keeping America’s bleeding-edge technology out of our competitor’s hands.


The Golden Age of American innovation is on our horizon, if we choose it.

In a changing technological environment, the task ahead of us is to adapt to new realities without destroying the American way of life or dis-inheriting the American worker. We seek, in the most basic terms, to secure our economy, restore our middle class, and uphold America as the planet’s best home for innovators.

For many years now the temptation for the kinds of people represented in this room—builders and discoverers—has been to withdraw from politics. In the face of burdensome regulation and inefficient government and the circus of election cycles, many of you have chosen retreat of various kinds.

But there is no substitute for victory. You and your fellow Americans cannot afford to give up on the nation. In a world so shaped by politics as well as technology, we must take action in both of these domains. We need all Americans to continue to rise to the occasion, to make full use of their talents, and to build.

All of us must labor to preserve the inheritance of the American Century to share with posterity, and to ensure that the technologies that give shape to our world help the American people secure the blessings of liberty we received from our forebearers. I bear that responsibility in my role as the President’s Science and Technology Advisor. You bear it, too, in exercising whatever powers and responsibilities you have, whether in business, education, or the laboratory—as Americans.

It is the choices of individuals that will make the new American Golden Age possible: the choice of individuals to master the sclerosis of the state, and the choice of individuals to craft new technologies and give themselves to scientific discoveries that will bend time and space, make more with less, and drive us further into the endless frontier.

この政府高官発言の真意を推測する

Jay Anderson は、ホワイトハウス科学技術政策局の局長、Michael Kratsios の発言の文脈を無視して、問題の発言箇所、

Our technologies permit us to manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated, cause things to grow, and improve productivity.

ref: Remarks by Director Kratsios at the Endless Frontiers Retreat – The White House https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/04/8716/

だけを切り取って注目するから、

  • 政府高官(ホワイトハウス科学技術政策局の局長)が、
  • 米国の保有する技術は時空間を操作することで距離を無効化することができると述べることで
  • これまで隠蔽されてきた SF的な「時空間操作技術」の保有を示唆したものだ、

…と判断してしまった。だが、

Our technologies permit us to manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated, cause things to grow, and improve productivity.

という発言は、以下の発言の末尾に置かれている。

私たちの時代と、アメリカが20世紀半ばに経験した変革の速度との間にはギャップがあります。進歩は鈍化しています。はい、大規模言語モデルは私たちを驚かせ、ロケットは依然として私たちの目を空に向けさせ、衛星は地球を覆っています。しかし、来年アメリカ建国250周年を祝うにあたり、今日の進歩は20世紀の飛躍的な進展と比べ物になりません。50年前のアメリカを考えてみましょう。

国家が建国200周年を迎えようとしていた当時、アメリカ人は「計量不能なほど安価な電気」を期待していました。1972年末までに、30基の原子力発電所が稼働し、55基が建設中、80基以上が計画または発注されていました。同じ年、アポロ17号の宇宙飛行士が月面で11人目と12人目の月面歩行者となりました。5年前には、X-15ロケット機が有人航空機としてマッハ6.7の速度記録を樹立しました。アメリカはこれまで以上に高く、速く、遠くへ飛んでいました…

しかし現在、エネルギー価格は生産者と消費者の双方に負担を強いており、電力網は依然として脆弱です。過去30年間で商業用原子力発電所は3基しか建設されず、10基が閉鎖されました。医療費に同等の国々のほぼ2倍を費やしているにもかかわらず、私たちの平均寿命は最も低い水準にあります。アポロ17号の月面での足跡は、人類の最後の足跡となりました。X-15の記録は依然として破られておらず、コンコルドは20年以上前に退役しました。私たちの旅客機は以前より遅く、列車の速度は世界他の地域と比べても遅く、車は飛んでいません。

進歩は止まっていませんが、何かが間違っています。


停滞は選択でした。私たちは建設者や革新者を重荷にしています。1970年代の善意に満ちた規制制度は、次第に緊縮的な歯車となり、まずアメリカがエネルギー輸出国となる能力を阻害し、その後、建設をますます困難にしました。私たちは焦点を失い、ビジョンを低下させ、システムや構造、官僚主義に翻弄されてきました。

しかし、私たちははるかに大きな可能性を秘めています。

私たちの技術は時間と空間を操作する能力を可能にしています。距離を消滅させ、物を成長させ、生産性を向上させます。

見てわかるとおり、 過去の栄光だった X-15 、コンコルド(廃止された超音速旅客機)と現在の米の旧式の鉄道が列挙され、それとの対比として

  • 今後の運送システムの高速化と、それに伴う高生産性

の必要性を米国民に派手にアピールしている。米国民を鼓舞するための派手なアピールだから、

Our technologies permit us to manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated, cause things to grow, and improve productivity.

という SF 的な誇張表現になっただけで、実質は

  • 今後の運送システムの高速化と、それに伴う高生産性

をの必要性を訴えているだけ。つまり、

  • 運送システムの高速化を "manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated,"

と大げさに(or SF 映画を連想させるフレーズで誇大に)表現しているだけで、

  • SF的な「時空間操作技術」の保有

を示唆しているわけではない。そもそも、そんな夢の技術を保有しているのなら貿易相手国を高関税政策で脅す必要など生じない。

蛇足

Trump 政権高官の発言を元にした Jay Anderson の判断は、彼の思い込みに引き摺られた誤解だが、これはまだマシな誤解だと言える。

Trump 政権の関税政策について、専門家や批評家連中が様々に批評しているが一部の例外を除くと、どれも凡庸で見事に釣られている。上っ面しか見えていない。手口は公開されているのに、大胆すぎるので、皆 表層に振り回されている。ちょっと考えれば、Trump 政権が何をやろうとして、どう仕掛けているのか位、わかるだろうに…。

おまけ

ついでなので、Jay Anderson の発言の文字起こしを追加しておく。

FasterWhisper AI(large-v2 model)

▼展開

So the director of the office for science and technology policy, the person responsible for advising the president on advanced science and technology, just said that limitless energy is real and bureaucracy is what's keeping it from the people. Releasing exotic technology to the public becomes possible only when it serves a national strategic objective. China is that objective. There have been some pretty incredible statements being made recently. (0:00:44)

I don't know if any of you have caught wind of this. I thought I'd give you all an update because this could be one of the biggest hints and nudges towards what might be coming down the pipeline in America in relation to disclosures of paradigm shifting technologies, breakthrough physics, energy, propulsion, very interesting statements that have gone through the official White House website. On April the 14th, 2025, hidden within the official language of policy and patriotism, a senior US official quietly acknowledged the reality of technologies that many of us in the alternative research communities that deal with propulsion and energy sciences that appear to have been suppressed in the modern era have strongly suspected the existence of for decades. (0:01:37)

And yet official acknowledgement of such developments as free energy or anti-gravity teleportation and other such innovations that many would consider to be nothing more than science fiction have not been given weight by official bodies in government. But recent events have seen a change in the attitude and perhaps a surfacing of held back knowledge through the chosen orators of the current administration in the United States now taking the form of a White House official named Michael Kratios. He's the 13th director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy and he recently delivered a speech titled the golden age of American innovation delivered at the endless frontiers retreat in Austin Texas during which Michael hinted pretty significantly towards an emerging free energy paradigm and that these technologies already exist but are being blocked from emerging into global applications due to a bureaucratic regulatory regime that is still stifling our development today. (0:02:48)

Michael's address is on the surface a call to reinvigorate American science and technology but clear reference is made towards access to revolutionary energy systems, transportation that defies classical limitations and the manipulation of space and time itself quoted directly from him. Now if we're also looking at this through the lens of recent developments over the years regarding UFOs and a stronger public presence for transparency, the emergence of more insider testimony and claims of suppressed technology all point towards a very specific conclusion that again many of us have already come to based on the historical evidence and the available data in our modern era that the US government and likely others although not strictly the mainline surface level of government and more so the darker murkier elements of Classified projects that are not always, if ever, beholden to a serious audit or regulatory oversight commitments that these shadier elements likely already possess beyond next-generation technologies that exhibit behavioral characteristics and capabilities that most of us would attribute if we witnessed them without context to an alien visitation of some form, when in reality it could very well be an unacknowledged platform being developed by humans, deployed by humans, and with a very human agenda. (0:04:14)

And yet these statements by Michael Kratios throughout his speech suggest that we may be nearing the public rollout of exotic propulsion and free energy systems, and they're beginning to lay the ideological and bureaucratic groundwork for that shift right now. Kratios begins by invoking a familiar American narrative, one of manifest destiny, the pioneer spirit, national rebirth. (0:04:41)

He characterizes the current moment as the early light of a new golden age, directly referencing the optimism of the mid-20th century. Back then, Americans looked at the future with a kind of techno-utopian faith. Nuclear power promised electricity that was too cheap to meter, the moon was no longer out of reach, and hypersonic planes like the X-15 set records that have yet to be broken. (0:05:07)

But in the next breath, Michael laments our modern stagnation. Commercial nuclear development has slowed to a crawl, our aircrafts are slower than they were decades ago, and even our railways lag far behind the world's leading nations. Now this contrast isn't just rhetorical, it's a clever framing device. Kratios is contrasting what we were told the future would be with the bureaucratic and economic entropy that stole that future from us. (0:05:38)

And then he points to a solution, a resurrection of that vision but now armed with tools and technology that are already in hand, just not yet in the public hands. One of the speech's most curious and mind-blowing moments was when Kratios states, and I'm quoting, our technologies permit us to manipulate time and space. They leave distance annihilated. (0:05:59)


Now these are not casual words. In the lexicon of aerospace engineering, annihilating distance implies, quite frankly, field-based propulsion systems that do not rely on combustion or Newtonian mechanics. Systems that theoretically bend space-time, compress distance, or create inertial voids through advanced energy manipulation. Now these are the same technologies that have long rumored to be buried within black-budget special access and unacknowledged or waived and carved out special access programs in the labyrinth of the Department of Defense and the Pentagon. Technologies associated potentially with reverse-engineered UFOs, non-human technology, alien vehicles, vacuum energy extraction, and zero-point field dynamics. (0:06:51)

So Kratios goes further, referencing, quotations, limitless energy, and claiming that the main thing holding this back is not the tech, but the regulatory regime that's been in place since the 1970s. That's very interesting. Let's stop here for a moment and just consider this. So the director of the Office for Science and Technology Policy, the person responsible for advising the president on advanced science and technology, just said that limitless energy is real and bureaucracy is what's keeping it from the people. Now that statement alone demands scrutiny. (0:07:32)

Because if what he says is true, then we've been living, as many have claimed, in a world artificially constrained by outdated systems, while the real breakthroughs, those that could eliminate energy poverty, climate disruption, and perhaps even geopolitical conflict, those have been hidden behind layers of classification and red tape. Now this is something that we see echoed across all sorts of critical industries and domains that have the potential to create controversy, to create disruption. (0:08:05)

We're seeing this happening with our models in history. We're seeing this happen with our models for consciousness, our models in physics. And we're now being given some very provocative statements from an extremely high-ranking individual who is in the perfect position to know whether or not such statements would be true, saying the quiet part out loud regarding free energy, limitless energy, its existence, and its true reason for a lack of surfacing in the public domain, which is all to do with the bureaucracy of the entrenched deep state of which America represents only an element. (0:08:44)

But what we're truly dealing with here is an octopus with a lot of tentacles in many regions of global influence, especially across the West. And I would remind people that not too long ago, venture capitalist Mark Andreessen admitted to being in meetings with Biden administration White House officials who informed him that they had classified entire branches of physics during the Cold War, and could do this again, and would do this again, in relation to their discussion at the time, which was on AI development, the regulation of that development, and Mark Andreessen's comments regarding the core math involved, and how they couldn't just prevent people from accessing the math, at which point one of the officials butts in and says, oh, we can. We did it in the Cold War, and we can do it again. (0:09:28)

So this is what we're dealing with. And this seems to be what Michael Kratios is referencing in relation to a regulatory regime that is stonewalling incredible innovations in order to, what? Maintain the status quo, in order to maintain the balance between essentially the dinosaur industries of oil and gas with a vested macroeconomic interest, and the emerging paradigms that are pushing into the forefront, all being controlled by a shadow state that oversees development in these critical arenas. (0:10:02)

When Kratios speaks of technologies that, I quote, bend time and space, he's using language that directly parallels, as many of you know, decades of theoretical physics and suppressed research into warp drive mechanics, gravitational wave propulsion, the manipulation of inertial frames. These are not the idle dreams of fringe pseudoscientists. They're concepts explored by defense contractors, NASA's breakthrough propulsion physics program, and even the infamous Pais effect, patterns filed through the US Navy by my dear friend and frequent guest on the podcast, Dr. Salvatore Pais. So Michael Kratios is obviously not just talking about faster planes or better batteries, he's talking about fundamental paradigm shifts in how we interact with the fabric of the universe, the same kind of shift that occurred when Newtonian mechanics gave way to quantum physics. (0:10:55)

If these technologies are being alluded to in a public-facing government speech, we have to ask the question, are they finally preparing the population? Not for the development, but for the release of technologies that have already been refined in the shadows. And let's not forget the timing as well. This speech comes off of the back of several years of high-level conversation, congressional hearings, senate intelligence briefings, where officials publicly and in closed session environments have purported to have knowledge on the recovery of materials not of this world, materials from non-human intelligences, technologies, biological samples, even claims from certain elements in the DoD, such as Dr. Eric W. Davis, of intact non-human craft. (0:11:44)

And so the overlap here between field propulsion, recovered vehicles, energy systems that defy our known physics, it's now all too aligned to be ignored. And Kratios isn't shy about his framing. America, he says, has to outpace China in the race for technological dominance. He invokes the concept of technological supremacy as both an imperative and a justification. (0:12:12)

Now, this rhetoric really is key, because in the halls of government, especially when it comes to the arena of special access programs and defense projects, releasing exotic technology to the public becomes possible only when it serves a national strategic objective. China is that objective. China is the narrative vessel through which the disclosure of these capabilities can be normalized. (0:12:39)

The public doesn't need to hear about aliens, or metaphysics, or consciousness. They just need to believe that America is back on top, that advanced transportation, energy independence, and impossible-sounding breakthroughs are all part of a patriotic revival. In that context, disclosure is no longer a risk. It's actually a selling point. (0:13:05)

It's really quite genius, because one of the big issues, I and many others who have discussed this when it comes to the government's own position on disclosing these developments, is the culpability, the illegality of some of these black programs within this nexus, and the public outrage that is soon to follow if explosive revelations about trillion-dollar black projects holding back free energy paradigms were to come into the light, absent the appropriate contextual framework for the government to benefit from this revelation rather than suffer damage. (0:13:37)

So China now represents this perfect window of opportunity to disclose what needs to be disclosed whilst saving face with your own citizens for not telling people sooner that this was a technological innovation that we had the capability to use. (0:13:49)


It's a new administration. It's a new tactic. And the public responds with a new mindset if they can be given the appropriate context. And it seems that Michael Kratios is attempting to provide what he believes to be the appropriate context. And I would argue that given his high level position in the White House as the Director of the Office of Science and Technology, I can't imagine for one moment that he would give these statements that he did in a public environment if he was not greenlit to do so by the President. And that's another part of this that we should address. Trump and his family. (0:14:28)

When Nikola Tesla died in 1943, the US government moved very swiftly to seize all of his papers and personal effects. These included notebooks and unpublished materials, correspondence, and according to various reports, dealt with advanced energy systems, directed energy, and even concepts related to space and time manipulation. But who was the that was brought in to review Tesla's confiscated work for the US government? Dr. John G. Trump, an electrical engineer, a physicist, an MIT professor, and also the uncle of Donald J. Trump. Now the mainstream narrative claims that John G. Trump found nothing of practical value in Tesla's seized materials. (0:15:14)

But this dismissal is not one that's given by the man himself. I came across some rare archive video footage of Dr. John G. Trump discussing his involvement in the evaluating of Tesla's work. Now he mentions correspondence between Tesla and members of both the British and Russian royal families in regards to acquiring a superweapon of incredible capabilities. It would be evidence of a secret weapon, which I was reminded by the agents, the two agents who were present during the entire time, was a matter of concern to the United States. In the course of this, I did come across a number of letters directed at the upper echelon of the British Empire, that is, I think, to the king and queen, or perhaps just to the king of England, and also to the Tsar of Russia, explaining that he was the inventor of a secret weapon which had rather remarkable properties, and that he would be interested in entering into a negotiation which would lead to a disclosure of what they were. (0:16:28)

Of course, I spent a good deal of time looking through these papers, trying to find out what the nature of this secret weapon was. I think I had, although I don't remember it so very accurately, an idea of what its properties were. It had the capability of acting at a great distance, of being destructive to flying objects and things of that kind at a place which was remote from the source. (0:16:55)

It seems to me that John Trump knew more than mainstream debunkers give credit for, especially considering Dr. Trump's deep involvement in classified radar, particle beam, and high voltage technologies for the US military during and also after World War II. He was perfectly positioned to be the guy that they would call to assess all of Tesla's work. (0:17:18)

So is it possible that some of Tesla's more speculative research, particularly into wireless energy power transmission, field resonance, scalar wave technologies, was quietly absorbed into black research programs? Well, from the fleeting glimpses of advanced research and development from back in the Cold War era and into the 1970s that we've gained access from Freedom of Information Act requests, FOIA requests, declassified documents, etc., we see a clear interest in the weaponization of scalar waves and research avenues that all echo the interests of Nikola Tesla himself. (0:17:54)

More than a coincidence, in my opinion. And if so, could Donald Trump, now as president, be not just aware of these legacies in his own family, but actively shaping policy that greenlights their re-emergence? I mean, the rhetoric emerging from the Trump administration's Science and Technology Office, language that directly parallels Tesla's lifelong vision of limitless energy and distance annihilation and the transformation of space and time, it feels like a revival of his dreams for the future. (0:18:28)

And it was Tesla himself who said that the present is theirs, the future, for what I really worked for, is mine. Even Trump's frequent, almost cryptic references to a big reveal or the calm before the storm or energy we haven't even dreamed of begin to take a new weight if we view it in this context. (0:18:47)

He even recently made reference to weapons that nobody can even imagine. Is this more of Trump's classic hype or are we seeing the groundwork being laid for some major revelations? He even wants to bring back the world fairs which were renowned for showcasing the inventions of the time. The trailblazers like Tesla, for example, showcased their inventions at these fairs. (0:19:11)

I mean, doesn't it all feel very deliberate? Could the decision to release these ideas slowly and symbolically be personally motivated for him? Something to consider. (0:19:18)


Regardless of one's political stance, it's clear that Trump's legacy may ultimately be shaped not by traditional politics, but by how his administration positions the US in relation to the next great technological leap, one that was perhaps dreamed by Tesla, buried by bureaucracy, and is now potentially beginning to see the light of day. But here's where I want to introduce a deeper concern. (0:19:46)

This wouldn't show up in policy documents, but it's just as crucial. If these technologies are real and we're preparing to wield them publicly, what is the energetic frequency that we're bringing to that exchange? Are we carrying a consciousness of peace and cooperation and reverence for life or are we dragging warfare and fear and domination? You know, I've long held the belief, and so do many experiences of UFO phenomenon, that the interface between consciousness and advanced phenomena is subtle, reactive, and state-dependent. If we militarize this transition, if the golden age becomes another stage for competition, we may end up engaging the cosmos with the same wounds that we've inflicted upon Earth. And that's where Kratios's framing gives me pause. His rhetoric, while hopeful, is deeply tied to conquest, victory, supremacy, security, protection. (0:20:44)

These aren't the words of communion, they're the words of command. And if we are about to wield technologies capable of bending space-time, as he says, of traversing realms and tapping the vacuum, perhaps we need to pause and ask, are we spiritually and ethically ready? If not, then we must hope that if this is truly the time of disclosing these capabilities, that somehow, in the wielding of them, despite our collective immaturity, it may assist us in hastening our path towards becoming a wiser species. (0:21:24)

If not, then we will likely face annihilation ourselves, by our very own hands. The Kratios speech may go down as one of the first mainstream government adjacent documents to openly signal the existence, or impending arrival, of technologies that challenge our most basic assumptions about energy, motion, and the limits of possibility. Whether through policy change, defense strategy, or economic necessity, we're being nudged towards a disclosure, not just of what's out there, but of what's already here. But what do we do with that knowledge? (0:22:00)

How we frame it, how we share it, and most importantly, how we use it, will determine whether we enter a true golden age, or if we are consumed by our own designs.

(0:22:15)

(2025-04-20)